Sense and Sensitivity, David I. Beaver | eBay
A note on negative polarity and downward entailingness. Charles Jones and Peter Sells, 98— Degree operators and scope. Jackson and T. Matthews, 40— Herburger, Elena. What counts: Focus and quantification. Horn, Laurence. A presuppositional analysis of only and even. In The 5th annual meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society, vol. Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society. Kagan, Olga, and Sascha Alexeyenko. Degree modification in Russian morphology: The case of the suffix - ovat.
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New York: Garland. Vagueness and grammar: The semantics of relative and absolute gradable adjectives. Linguistics and Philosophy 1— Kennedy, C. Scale structure, degree modification, and the semantics of gradable predicates.
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Sense and Sensitivity
Varieties of alternatives: Mandarin focus particles. Linguistics and Philosophy 61— McNally, Louise. The relative role of property type and scale structure in explaining the behavior of gradable adjectives. In Vagueness in Communication. Nouwen et al. Berlin: Springer. Merin, Arthur. Information, relevance and social decision-making. In Logic, language, and computation , vol.
Moss, J. Ginzburg, and M. Nakanishi, Kimiko. Even, only, and negative polarity in Japanese. Gibson and J. Howell, — Orenstein, Dina, The semantics, pragmatics and focus sensitivity of exclusive particles in Modern Hebrew. PhD dissertation, Bar Ilan University.
- David I. Beaver.
- Wholes, Sums and Unities (Philosophical Studies Series).
- Development and social change: a global perspective (3rd edition);
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Rett, Jessica. Antonymy and evaluativity. Friedman and M. Gibson, 10— Chiriacescu, Sofiana submitted : Factors contributing to the salience of referents. Volume in honour of Prof.
Bucharest: Bucharest UP. In: I.
Hendrickx, S. Lalitha Devi, A. Mitkov eds. Anaphora and Reference Resolution. Heidelberg: Springer. Berlin: Springer. In: K. Don't have an account? I argue that this follows from independently justified assumptions: a Discourse particles are expressive elements and therefore their meanings cannot be in the scope of other meaning components. These assumptions, together with a more specific constraint on addressee-oriented expressives, explain the separation of DPRT meanings from focus-background structure. Possible counterevidence comes from stressed uses of some particles in which they have an effect similar to verum focus.
But the particle variants involved in these cases have a descriptive meaning component which is not subject to the scope restrictions holding for expressive meanings and therefore can be put into focus. Author: Joachim Jacobs. Add to Cart.